Despite great improvements, though, until 2013 Poland remained an emigration country. Its catch-up process with Western Europe began around 1992, after the preceding turbulent transition period, and over the next decades it was fueled by rapid capital accumulation, systematic improvements in the educational attainment of the Polish population as well as technology transfer and institutional convergence in the run-up and after Poland’s accession to the European Union in 2004. The same figure should be subtracted from the residual contribution of total factor productivity growth, suggesting that recent growth in Poland has been in fact much more labour-intensive than previously interpreted. per annum, i.e., about 13% of Poland’s GDP growth in 2013–2018. Imputing this additional labour supply in a growth accounting exercise they find that the (previously unaccounted) contribution of Ukrainian workers amounted to about 0.5 pp. The authors find that the arrival of Ukrainian workers was increasing the effective labour supply in Poland in 2013–2018 by 0.8% per annum. This paper uses a range of alternative official data sources to estimate the actual number of immigrants, and survey data on migrant characteristics, collected in four Polish cities, to estimate the effective labour supply of Ukrainian immigrants in terms of productivity-adjusted hours worked. However, due to problems with capturing immigration in Labour Force Survey data this contribution has remained hitherto largely unaccounted in official data. Coupled with strong labour demand, this surge in labour supply provided a major contribution to Poland’s economic growth. From 2014 onwards Poland witnessed an unprecedented inflow of immigrant workers from Ukraine.
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